How the men in the Epstein files defeated #MeToo
- by The Verge
- Feb 06, 2026
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Follow The boys’ club at the Edge Foundation created a jumping-off point for social contacts for Epstein. Their “Billionaires Dinner” in 2011, which Epstein attended, featured a number of familiar names that appear in the Epstein files: Musk, Sergey Brin, David Brooks, Marissa Mayer, Jeff Bezos, and Nathan Myhrvold (who would later introduce Epstein to Bill Gates). The “Billionaires Dinner” stopped after Epstein made his final donation to Edge.
Brockman also set up a dinner in 2012 with a very exclusive invite list, which included Bezos, Paul Allen, Brin, Anne Wojcicki, Larry Page, Evan Williams, and Myhrvold. “Please show up alone,” Brockman said to Epstein. MIT Media Lab’s Joichi Ito also seems to be willing to broker meetings between Epstein and Bezos or “Bill.” It’s not clear which Bill is referred to here, but Bill Gates was surely close with Epstein, close enough that the tranche of documents show extensive contact between the two men.
The social consequences, oddly, seem to have freaked these guys out more than anything else
Epstein’s association with this group allowed him to launder his reputation — he had, after all, pleaded guilty to “a single state charge of soliciting prostitution from girls as young as 14,” according to the Miami Herald. But here he was, rubbing elbows with “smart” people, some of whom were even considered cool. For instance, there is a long email chain with artist Neri Oxman, trying to coordinate a time to eat together. After a $125,000 donation from Epstein, Oxman gave him a piece of her work. (Oxman’s current husband is billionaire Bill Ackman, a loudmouth hedge fund manager who recently donated $10,000 to the ICE officer who killed Renee Good.) These networking opportunities also did something else; they brought together a lot of influential figures who could suggest that it’s small-minded and prudish to care about sexual harassment and assault.
The Herald revisited Epstein as part of the #MeToo movement, resulting in his rearrest on sex trafficking charges in 2019. The #MeToo movement was premised on the radical notion that no person is too rich or too powerful to escape the law. Rape is illegal. So’s sexual harassment. Some of the most prominent men accused of misconduct — Epstein, Harvey Weinstein, Bill Cosby — did, indeed, face consequences.
There were also social consequences: Powerful men resigned from their jobs in disgrace — or, in some cases, were fired. The men of Silicon Valley did not escape these consequences. Before the Weinstein allegations surfaced, Travis Kalanick of Uber was forced out of the company he founded, after a series of reports on a culture of sexual harassment. The New York Times reported on a payout Google made to Andy Rubin, the father of Android, after he allegedly coerced an employee into sex; two other executives, David Drummond and Richard DeVaul, were also insulated from allegations of misconduct. (Both cofounders, Sergey Brin and Larry Page, had dated employees. Eric Schmidt, the former CEO who has had multiple public relationships with women who aren’t his wife, hired a mistress as a consultant.) Venture capitalist Justin Caldbeck resigned after multiple female entrepreneurs said he made unwanted sexual advances.
As it happens, holding powerful men to account was also what #MeToo was about
The social consequences, oddly, seem to have freaked these guys out more than anything else. That was where the “cancellation” panic came from — a fear that people might use their right to freedom of association to avoid people who, for instance, palled around with known pedophiles. It’s not illegal to do that, after all; it’s just gross.
Social consequences are the main ones that matter in the Epstein file drop. Anyone with an internet connection and a little free time can find out who was exchanging friendly emails with an evil man. Take Peter Attia, one of Bari Weiss’ newly named contributors to CBS News, who spent a great deal of time sending crass emails to a convicted sex criminal, including, notoriously, one that noted “pussy is, indeed, low-carb.” Like many women, I am not interested in taking health advice from a guy who says a bunch of sexist shit, largely because I do not believe he cares about my well-being — and that’s true even without Epstein’s involvement. Rather than bow to “cancel culture” by firing Attia, Weiss is retaining him, according to Status. But then, Weiss isn’t too worried about Epstein associates — after all, she named lawyer Alan Dershowitz, who represented Epstein and referred to him as a “close friend,” as one of her other new contributors.
Perhaps unsurprisingly, The Free Press, the outlet Weiss founded, has published a series of articles downplaying the importance of the files. The most significant of the three raises the question of whether we, as a society, will regret the release of these files. The suggestion that they may spread salacious (and untrue) gossip has some merits. But that article is missing a larger point: If Epstein had not escaped federal charges in 2008, there would be no push for the file dump at all. (Indeed, the current president was in favor of releasing the files before calling their contents “made up” as more reporting drew attention to the men’s relationship.) Its existence is a response to the public’s distrust in the justice system’s ability to hold powerful men to account. As it happens, holding powerful men to account was also what #MeToo was about.
“instead of the friars club , can we do a pariahs club dinnr. woody me moonves wynn charlie matt. louis ck. etc.”
Epstein appeared to be monitoring #MeToo closely, and even, at times, seemed to be the canceled man whisperer. At one point, in an email to the MIT Media Lab’s Ito, he writes, “with all these guys getting busted for harassment , i have moved slightly up on the repuation ladder and have been asked everday for advice etc.” In a 2018 email, Epstein writes, “instead of the friars club , can we do a pariahs club dinnr. woody me moonves wynn charlie matt. louis ck. etc.”
Epstein kept track of who he might add to the club. For instance, Charlie Rose — who was apparently close enough that Epstein recommended some women to Rose as assistants — was accused of sexual harassment by more than two dozen women. When the story broke, Epstein emailed multiple people — including Summers — links to the story. Later he wrote to the journalist Michael Wolff, “saw charlie rose at haircutters/ s=ell shocked.” The publicist Peggy Siegal emailed Epstein in 2018 about Steve Wynn resigning from the Republican National Committee because of accusations of sexual harassment, “The witch hunt goes on.” She suggests Epstein should have “double security” and “wear a wig and a baseball c=p in public.” In 2018, Steve Bannon emailed Epstein a link to a Business Insider report about Tom Brokaw, who was accused of sexual harassment. “Make sure Woody sees this,” he writes. “Nobody safe.”
Even the relatively minor “Shitty Media Men” list — a spreadsheet anonymously edited with names of men and accusations against them — makes it into Epstein’s emails. Lorin Stein, the disgraced former editor of The Paris Review who resigned after accusations of sexual impropriety, forwarded to Wolff an email from the writer Stephen Elliott, who intended to sue the list’s creator since he didn’t know who’d made the accusations against him. Epstein promises to “help anyway i can.” Elliott sued Moira Donegan, the list’s creator, six weeks later.
“not some young metoo bitch.”
The most extensive emailed advice seems to be to physicist Lawrence Krauss. When Krauss was contacted by journalist Peter Aldhous for comment on a BuzzFeed story about sexual harassment allegations, he forwarded the email to Epstein and repeatedly asked him for advice about how to handle Aldhous. (Krauss strenuously denies the allegations against him, and says he “sought out advice from essentially everyone I knew”.) Krauss sent drafts of his proposed emails about the story to Epstein as well. “Impossible to publish anything about metoo, even if the =uthor was acquitted,” Krauss wrote to Epstein. That was of particular interest to him, because Krauss was planning to write his own #MeToo book, he wrote in another email to Epstein. Later, he wrote to Epstein that a woman on a conciliation committee is “old.. not some young metoo bitch.” This is good news, Krauss notes.
At one point, Soon-Yi Previn, Woody Allen’s wife and the adopted sister of his children, emails Epstein with the subject line “Did you see this in The New York Times today?” “First time a guy wasn’t removed from his job right away due to the MeToo movement,” she wrote. “First time a network decided after an investigation to believe their investigation and the guy as opposed to the woman.” It’s not clear from the email what article she is talking about.
Allen and Previn appear to have been close friends with Epstein, and the #MeToo allegations were of personal interest. Ronan Farrow, whose Harvey Weinstein exposé was one of the major features of the movement, is also Allen’s estranged son — and his sister, Dylan, accused Allen of sexually abusing her when she was seven. In a 2017 Los Angeles Times article, she asked why the #MeToo movement had spared Allen.
Days later, Wolff wrote to Epstein: “I have a bad feeling about this new Woody round. It =ould pull him into the general Harvey pool of the despised and shunned. Cl=arly what Ronan and company are hoping for. I think Bannon may be right. T=is is not going to end until Trump goes down.”
However briefly, it meant money no longer insulated the powerful
“Strange time,” Epstein replied. “I have two mo=e friends up to bat.” Wolff told Epstein those friends won’t be the last, and added, “Big names on the horizon: Michael Douglas, Larry Gagos=an, and still my favorite, Arthur Sulzberger.” In an earlier email, Epstein suggested that Bannon may have “outted” Sulzberger, but for what isn’t clear. “Pinch sulz your silver bullet,” he wrote.
On December 14th, 2017, Sulzberger announced he was stepping down as the publisher of The New York Times, handing the job off to his son. Epstein emailed Kathy Ruemmler and Landon Thomas that same day, two identical messages: “Sulzberger — told you.” (Thomas was a New York Times reporter Epstein had cultivated; Thomas had not only tipped off Epstein to another journalist’s book, he’d even solicited a $30,000 donation from Epstein to a Harlem charity.) As far as I know, Sulzberger has not been accused of wrongdoing.
And all that, I suppose, illustrates how #MeToo actually went too far: However briefly, it meant money no longer insulated the powerful. In 2008, Epstein, who had escaped federal charges via a non-prosecution agreement thanks to Alexander Acosta (who would later become the Labor Secretary in the first Trump administration), got a private wing in jail, and got to leave 12 hours a day, six days a week, for “work release.” He spent a year under “house arrest,” which somehow included trips on his private jet to Manhattan and the Virgin Islands. But in 2019, the renewed scrutiny from #MeToo landed him in the federal jail where he died awaiting charges of sex trafficking minors.
“would have gladly share your expenses for the gawker suit.”
That seems to have been a wake-up call to his associates, like Thiel, who set about undermining the movement to make even rich men answerable for their crimes. Thiel’s influence campaign, such as it was, was less about cultural power and more about actual power. It was smarter than Epstein’s. But it also seems, in retrospect, modeled on the Edge Foundation. The so-called “vibe shift” — the reemergence of slurs as “edgy,” and feminism as “cringe” — may have been at least partially funded by Thiel, whose “Thielbucks” were rumored to be sprinkled around New York City’s Dimes Square. “Anti-woke” is a convenient label because it obscures what the movement is actually against: accountability.
Thiel’s “vibe shift” required less work than what Epstein was up to, largely because it was something that culture reporters were willing — eager, even — to cover. It also had its own social media apparatus set up, in the assorted podcasts that emerged from the Dimes Square scene. Plus, Thiel already had political power through his superdonor status. The Republican Party had already aligned itself with white nationalism in the 2016 election, when Donald Trump came to power on a platform of blatant racism — backed by Thiel, of course.
Epstein and Thiel’s shared aims are clearest in a 2016 email about Thiel’s successful effort to bankrupt gossip site Gawker. Gawker was one of the few publications that wrote about Epstein in the early 2000s, and Epstein evidently held a grudge. “would have gladly share your expenses for the gawker suit,” Epstein wrote. Thiel responded with a smiley face.
There is a short jump between contempt for women and eugenics, and an even shorter one from eugenics to actual fascism
Epstein was an open eugenicist. For example, in this astounding exchange with AI researcher Joscha Bach, whose MIT work was funded by Epstein, the two chat in detail about population culling, among other social engineering thought experiments. (Bach wrote that women “tend to find abstract systems, conflicts and mechanisms intrinsically boring,” which, according to him, is why there are fewer women in the sciences. It seems Epstein had a type.) Bach also said in the exchange that fascism is “the most efficient and rationally stringent way of governance,” adding that it “makes romantic doo-gooders like me very uncomfortable.” Bach is now the executive director of the California Institute for Machine Consciousness, and in a Substack post about the emails, wrote “I am not interested in supporting racists and sexists in any way.”
I am not particularly interested in what Bach believes. I bring up his exchange because — even as a thought experiment — it so strikingly demonstrates that there is a short jump between contempt for women and eugenics, and an even shorter one from eugenics to actual fascism.
Epstein’s influence on the science and tech world meant he was able to inject his ideas into places where other AI impresarios hung out. Epstein “hoped to seed the human race with his DNA by impregnating women at his vast New Mexico ranch,” The New York Times wrote. There’s no evidence this idea was anything more than a fantasy. However, it does bear a significant resemblance to Musk’s army of baby mamas — Musk has 14 known children, and the true number may be much higher, according to The Wall Street Journal. “He is driven to correct the historic moment by helping seed the earth with more human beings of high intelligence,” the Journal wrote. Musk uses his social network, X, to recruit potential mothers. He reportedly has a compound for some of those mothers in Austin, Texas.
Trump’s second presidency combines influences from both Musk and Thiel
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